During its long history, the East India Company developed from a minor Seventeenth Century maritime trading enterprise into a Nineteenth Century imperial power that transformed both the British economy as well as the social and political landscape of the emerging nation of India. Following the decisive Battle of Plassey in 1757, concerns were raised over its capacity to maintain its dual role as both sovereign and trader while resisting the temptations of self-interest. Reforms both legislative and cultural were implemented from that time that helped shaped its workforce overwhelmingly from one comprised of ambitious grifters into a class that prided itself on its ethic of public service (and arguably a flawed belief in their role as civilisers!). Some Anglo-Indians were even to retire to the colony of Van Diemen's Land, later Tasmania. So then, what connections were maintained between the East India Company and the most remote of all British colonies, Tasmania and what role and legacy, if any, did these Anglo-Indians have its development?
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William Dalrymple sharply noted in his book The Anarchy that when the East India Company was formed in September 1599, Shakespeare was still writing his play Hamlet! The company was formed in part as an opportunistic reaction to the success of the Dutch in the new world. Under the leadership of Thomas Smythe, an auditor for the City of London who had experience trading with the Greek Islands and Allepo, sufficient capital was raised by subscription and Elizabeth I was presented with a petition for a charter to allow trading in the East Indies (1) During its earliest history, the Company was a minor participant in trade to the East, experiencing decided obstruction from both the Dutch and the Portuguese. The first company ship arrived in 1608 but did not receive an edict to trade until 1612 when the defeat of four Portuguese galleons by two company ships, impressed the emperor. (2) The company persisted during its first century of operation, establishing forts, building alliances and fostering trade. The Glorious Revolution in 1688 established the English stock market and this energised its fortunes alongside the wider British economy. (3) The separation of the company's management from its share ownership led to the creation of an elected Court of Directors answerable to the stockholders. The company acquired a territorial empire after 1757 and was transformed into an Imperial power. In short, H. V. Bowen has observed that the company '...played an important part in tying together the City of London, the state, the Empire in a series of entangling relationships that enabled resources to be mobilised at home and abroad, thereby helping to facilitate the emergence of Britain as the greatest financial, imperial, industrial and military power on the world stage.' (4)
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To a certain degree, the tyranny of distance between the United Kingdom and India both tested and tempted, providing impetus and latitude for abuses. For much of its history there was as much of a delay as several months in communication. There was often tension between East India House and the presidencies when discrepancies between official reports and direct observations became evident - even if it wasn't clear if they could be attributed to incompetence or corruption! (5) A Parliamentary enquiry in 1695 into bribery and insider trading led to the imprisonment of its Governor. (6) Many in established English society, despised the 'nabobs' or Britons who had made fortunes in the region. In their estimation at least, some returned to marry above their station, buy seats in parliament and generally destabilise the economy! Robert Clive, during his second Governorship, recognised that poor compensation and adverse conditions encouraged the pursuit of self-interest. (7) The Regulatory Act of 1773 insisted that all gifts were to be declared to the company and mostly returned. The later Pitt Act of 1784 further sought to reform company behaviour. However, the impeachment of Governor General William Hastings in 1786 - who had been elected to implement reforms and establish a supreme court - suggested there were lingering concerns over company practices and the discipline of its workforce. (8)
A key component of reform was a focus on the proper training and general preparation for a career in either administrative or military service within the company. Until the close of the Eighteenth Century, appointments had always been based on patronage; the assumption being that class itself was evidence of both education and capacity. The Marquess Wellesley was the first to pitch the concept of a structured education for recruits. Subsequently the College of Fort William was established at Calcutta in 1800 - attendance being mandatory for all writers regardless of their assigned presidency. This innovation was deeply resented by the Directors of the Company who preferred the idea of an English based college where greater selectivity of candidates could be exercised. (9) An English college, Haileybury, was established in 1809. The Charter of 1813 made it mandatory for all trainee 'writers' to attend. (10) While open to youths aged between 15 and 22, there were persistent accusations of elitism. Entrance was dependent on a nomination from a director and the fees were notoriously expensive. The college operated for over half a century and often serviced multiple generations of the same families. The curriculum was a blend of economics and languages. The academic staff were poached from Oxford and Cambridge and included Thomas Robert Malthus, who taught there for over three decades. The company also established a military training college at Addiscombe. Brian Gardner in his history of the company argued that this reform was largely successful in its ambition noting that in retrospect the 'Haileybury and Addiscombe men ran India not just for themselves and their careers, as their predecessors had mainly done, but for the company, and with a sense of duty towards the Crown, and often towards India itself.' (11)
As the early Nineteenth Century progressed, the situation in India for young men pursuing a career became both more socially palatable and fiscally rewarding for those who operated affairs by the book. Gardner acknowledges that previous to those reforms, many men became alcoholics or opium addicts in an attempt to meet the challenges of India. The length of the journey was gradually diminished: down to four months with the introduction of the steamship route by the 1820s, and two months via the overland, Mediterranean express route in the 1830s. Slowly pay and leave benefits improved. Social life also improved with many women travelling to India to find potential husbands who could eventually look forward to a retirement back in England with a healthy pension. (12) Indeed, by the early Nineteenth Century, the Anglo-Indians had become to be regarded as a distinct social group later defined by Malcolm Allbrook in An Anglo-Indian Community in Britain as 'Britons born in India of British parents or Britons who spent long periods in India, many of whom self-identified as Anglo-Indian.' Many believed that India had benefited from their presence, and they adopted the label with pride, and it often came to influence their family, social and business networks. A central tenant of that society appears to have been the ideal of colonial service, particularly in India. (13)
The colony of Van Diemen's Land proved to be a popular destination for Anglo-Indian servants of the company on furlough. (14) Between 1829 and 1830 Augustus Prinsep and his family visited the island colony and an account titled A Journey from Calcutta to Van Diemen's Land, was published posthumously by his wife in 1833. Prinsep's Journal, made up of letters composed between 1829 and 1830, reflected an increasing interest in the colony, he particularly saw it as both a place of opportunity to own land and simultaneously make a significant contribution to the Empire. (15) Although the island was initially intended as a stop-over on their way to New South Wales, by the end of their stay it was clear that both he and his wife Elizabeth were considering settlement there and explained their reasoning:
...we have almost come to a determination, that it will be preferable to come hither three or four years hence, with a little money, than to stay, and dare disease and death in Bengal; indeed, there are here so many advantages, that were any calamity to fall upon any of our hitherto lucky family, the sufferers might still have a chance of happiness, and plenty, by coming to Van Diemen's Land.
The advantages Prinsep listed throughout his correspondence are both economic and natural. He argued that the island offered many industries to invest in including 'building-land, sheep, cattle, bank-stock, or whale fishery shares', In addition, he observed everywhere the natural beauty, the fertility of the land and the ample cheap labour available to settlers with a modest amount of capital. While he admits that 'most of our new friends have sprung from the lowest democracy' he significantly qualifies the colony's long-term potential by emphasising the importance that a '...little more respectability may perhaps be imported from England or from India....'. (16) Prinsep's experiences firstly reflect the increased flexibility and benefits available to company servants from the 1820s. After a decade's service it was firstly possible to claim home leave. With a medical certificate it was possible to be granted a leave of absence with no restrictions on where it might be spent. Furthermore, wages up to a thousand pounds per annum was payable for at least fifteen months. (17) His account also inadvertently indicates a sense of an obligation for colonial service on the part of the educated and landed classes to benefit the expanding empire. (18)
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Most company servants retired back to England, but some chose the colonies, and specifically Tasmania to settle. Several notable Anglo-Indians who eventually selected Tasmania as their place of settlement included Charles Fenton, Charles Swanston, and Edward Braddon. (19) Also among them was Edward Dumaresq, who after accepting a cadetship in the East India Company's service, became a junior officer in the Bombay Native Infantry as well as gaining some experience as a Surveyor in Gujarat. When his health broke down in 1823, he initially took sick leave in Mauritius. It was when voyaging to the Australian colonies during his recovery that he first became familiar with the island. After being invalided out of the service and briefly returning home, he soon after emigrated with relatives and personally selected Van Diemen's Land to settle. (20) Most if not all of these Anglo-Indians who settled in the colony appear to have joined the company after 1800, by which time it had instituted levels of mandatory and standardised training; this may help to explain why they shared a common appreciation of the importance of colonial service.
The first scheme to attract Anglo-Indians to settle in the colony known as the 'Indiana Institution' and launched in 1824, failed. The proposal was aimed at Anglo-Indian Englishmen who had married Indian wives and their descendants. But instead, the colony largely remained a place of investment in property for servants of the company who had an eye on their future. (21) Still the standards necessary to secure a land grant were clearly high, as Prinsep himself was refused. (22) Another official scheme to facilitate Anglo-Indian migration to the colony was established in 1867. Its innovator was a Colonel Andrew Crawford (1815-1899), an East Indian Company military officer who had furloughed there in the 1840s with his wife and her family at Richmond and had purchased land before returning to India. Tasmanian Parliament amended the Immigration Act to allow the Governor to set aside 9, 700 acres of land for Anglo-Indian migrants around Castra near Ulverstone; concurrently a committee named Castra and Co. was established in the Bombay Presidency for the purpose of recruitment. It was estimated that the Crawford scheme would inject 10, 000 pounds into the local economy per annum. (23)
Colonel Michel Maxwell Shaw, an Anglo-Indian who arrived in Tasmania in 1868 as a part of Crawford's scheme, had a letter he had written to the Indian Times republished in the Mercury describing his 150-acre property and recommending the colony as a place where small fortunes might become large while 'farms are awaiting owners'. He expressed the sentiment that settlement by quality migrants was almost a patriotic duty, noting that the presence of a hundred or more gentlemen in the district would not only increase land values but also help to act as a brake on a wasteful colonial government (24). While still enlisted in the Queen's Indian Army, Shaw had published a pamphlet entitled 'Tasmania and Missionary Emigration in Joint Stock and Co. and Co-operative Action' extolling the virtues of Tasmania as a 'superior field for British emigrants'. (25) Responding in a letter home to an enquiry from a cousin about opportunities in the colony in 1878, Shaw related that it was '...astonishing how comfortable a small farm can make one.' He explained that properties could be bought for a modest sum and developed easily to a point where they could be largely self-sufficient thanks to plentiful natural resources and operated by local labour, perhaps to be later sold at a profit. Significantly though, almost as an afterthought reflected on the good one of an appropriate class and skill set could achieve: 'There is a great opening for pious families out here. They become great centres of usefulness.' (26) Regardless, of the forty-three Anglo-Indians who purchased land under the Crawford scheme, only twenty were still resident in the colony by 1880. Many did not even clear their properties! While their economic impact was limited, their overall influence on the political, social and cultural development of the colony was likely considerable. (27)
Yet the ethic of colonial service was not exclusive to servants of the East India Company. Perhaps the most famous of all Anglo-Indian migrants to the island was Edward Braddon. Braddon had travelled to India in 1847 to work in a cousin's merchant firm and afterwards managed indigo plantations, served during the Indian Mutiny and then spent almost two decades as a civil servant. (28) Forced into an early retirement, Braddon migrated to Tasmania later recalling: 'I went to Tasmanian in 1879 with the full intention of becoming a farmer, not because I knew anything whatever about agricultural matters, but because I believed there was nothing much in them to learn.' Inevitably then, he shifted his focus away from his meagre 50 acres towards civic engagement culminating in his election to the House of Assembly. (29) In early 1893 as Agent-General of Tasmania, Braddon delivered a paper to the Indian section of the Society of Arts in London titled 'Australasia for Anglo-Indian Colonisation' spelling out the advantages of migration to the Australasian colonies for Anglo-Indians following years of service or residence in India. Braddon was of the view that while many were ready for 'a new career of usefulness', many were disadvantaged by the depreciation of the rupee and that colonial migration opened far more opportunities than a return to the homeland, both for themselves and their sons. (30) Setting out to prove both his points concerning the potential for self-improvement and colonial service, Braddon became Premier of the colony in 1894. He also became a prominent federalist who made a considerable contribution towards the achievement of federation among the Australasian colonies. (31)
The remarkable rise of the East India Company opened up opportunities not only for the economic and military expansion of the British empire but also for individuals to develop both skills and fortunes which they often reinvested in the colonies. In response to early corruption and self-interest, a doctrine of colonial service was instilled in the final generations of the company's workforce. Initially a place of furlough and modest investment, the opportunities available attracted a small number of Anglo-Indians to settle there. While arguably of a class more used to managing labour than engaging in it, these Anglo-Indian migrants were to have a lasting impact on the social, political and economic development of the island colony and later state. It is somehow comforting to consider that despite all the suffering and damage caused by colonialism, some degree of good may have finally come of it all.
- Colin Mallett, 19 September 2025.
Endnotes
(1) William Dalrymple, The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of the East India Company, Bloomsbury Publishing, Sydney, 2019, pp. 1-2 & 6.
(2) Brian Gardner, The East India Company: A History, Granada Publishing Limited, London, 1971, pp. 28-39.
(3) Nicholas P. Dirks, The Scandal of Empire and the Creation of Imperial Britain, Belknap Press of Havard University Press, Cambridge & London, 2006, p. 8.
(4) H. V. Bowen, The Business of Empire: the East India Company and Imperial Britain, 1736-1833, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006, pp. 20, 28. In fact, it could be argued that holding the position of Chairman of the Board of Directors of the company was analogous in prestige and responsibility to that of a government minister.
(5) H. V. Bowen, The Business of Empire, pp. 157-8.
(6) Dirks, The Scandal of Empire, p. 8.
(7) Gardner, A History, p. 101. Robert Clive began his colourful career for the company aged only 17 and built a reputation for bravery. He returned to England in 1860 but returned in 1864 to help reform operations. He was investigated himself for corruption in accepting bribes but exonerated in 1772. See: Dirks, The Scandal of Empire, p. 16.
(8) Dirks, The Scandal of Empire, p. 9-20. Hastings had arrived as a writer himself in his teens and risen through the ranks to become Governor or Fort William at Calcutta in 1772 following Clive's departure. See: Gardner, A History, p. 104.
(9) Gardner, A History, pp. 188-9. Fittingly the property selected, 'Hailey Bury' in 1806 had previously been owned by a director.
(10) John Bowen, 'The East India Company's Education of its own servants', The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1955, 4(3):105—23, pp. 5-7, 114-5.
(11) Gardner, A History, pp. 188-192. While closed in 1858, Haileybury reopened four years later as a public school with no links with the East India Company but retaining a strong association with India, see specifically p. 291. The intergenerational character of the company is reflected in the fact that the father of utilitarianism, John Stuart Mill, followed his own father by joining the company aged 17 in 1823. See: p. 194. The company lost control of India following the 1857 mutiny, the final meeting of its Court of Directors taking place on 1 September 1858 and was finally dissolved when its last charter expired in 1874. Refer to pp. 291-2, 296.
(12) Gardner, A History, pp. 182-7.
(13) Malcolm Allbrook, Henry Prinsep's Empire: Framing a Distant Colony, Australian National University Press, Canberra, 2014, pp. 82, 85, 96.
(14) For instance, in February 1825 Major Tod and Captain Wilson of the Company arrived in Hobart via the Philip Dundas and it was observed in a local paper that the town would be soon '...much thronged with the fashionable sick of India and Mauritius...'. Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen's Land Advertiser, 'Hobart Town', 25 February 1825, p.2, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1090565, accessed 4 June 2025.
(15) Elizabeth Mercer, 'Anglo-Indians', the Companion to Tasmanian History online, 2006, https://www.utas.edu.au/library/companion_to_tasmanian_history/A/Anglo-Indians.htm, accessed 23 May 2025.
(16) Augustus Prinsep, The Journal of a voyage from Calcutta to Van Diemen's Land: comprising a description of that colony during a six month's residence, Tasmanian Facsimile Editions no. 3, Melanie Publications, Hobart, 1981, pp. 106-7, 117). Balancing that enthusiasm, on his journey to Launceston Prinsep observed that between Hobart and Launceston '...not a single grant of fresh land is to be had...' and also warned that as the population inevitably grew that there would be a possibility of a housing shortage that would push rents up. Refer to pp. 82, 115.
(17) Gardner, A History, p. 183.
(18) Prinsep, Journal, pp, i-v. Augustus Prinsep (1803-1830), a son of the Vicar of Bicester, was admitted to Haileybury in July 1819. He graduated in 1821, third in his class and was appointed as a writer, arriving in Calcutta in July 1822. He advanced rapidly, eventually becoming Commissioner of Pergunnah Palamow in 1826. He was no less than the seventh child among his siblings to work in India indicating that there was indeed a strong sense of colonial service evident in the family. His health never recovered, and he died at sea on another voyage in October 1830. Anglo-Indians were certainly seen to be beneficial to colonial society; when the Prinsep family decided to remain on the island rather than moving on to mainland it was reported in the Australian that 'Mr. Prinsep, of Calcutta, it is said, proposes settling in Van Diemen's Land. He had already enriched the island with two high bred horses.' Refer to: Australian, 'Shipping News', 10 February 1829, p. 3, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article36865531, accessed 4 June 2025.
(19) Allbrook, Framing a Distant Colony, p. 97.
(20) Roger Page, 'Edward Dumaresq (1802-1906)', Australian Dictionary of Biography online, n.d., https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/dumaresq-edward-2002, accessed 23 May 2025.
(21) Mercer, 'Anglo-Indians'. Augustus Prinsep
(22) Prinsep, Journal, p. v. This was despite that on his application to Surveyor-General George Frankland, Prinsep indicated that he had an income of 1600 per annum, had an inclination to farm and cited Michael Fenton and John Henderson as character referees!
(23) G. T. Stilwell, 'Andrew Crawford (1815-1899)', Australian Dictionary of Biography online, n.d., https://adb.anu.eu.au/biography/crawford-andrew-3285/, accessed 21 May 2025.
(24) Mercury, 'A Settler's Opinion of Tasmania', 10 November 1868, p. 3. http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article8855548, accessed 21 May 2025.
(25) The pamphlet was based on Colonel Crawford's research but 'confirmed by reference to other authorities'. Refer to: Launceston Examiner, 'Review', 29 August 1866, p.2, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article36637633, accessed 23 May 2025.
(26) Col. Michael Maxwell Shaw of Dean's Point, Latrobe (retired) to relatives abroad [letter], 17 December 1877, Correspondence (NS163), Shaw Family (NG163), Tasmanian Archives, NS 159/1, 163/1/1.
(27) Shaw for instance, was a prolific contributor of correspondence to the local press particularly on the topic of temperance and even original poetry. For the first see these examples: Weekly Examiner, 'Col. Shaw upon Temperance', 10 February 1872, p. 4 , http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article233098467, accessed 23 May 2025 & Daily Telegraph, 'Col. Shaw's Opinion', 24 May 1888, p. 3, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article149496661, accessed 23 May 2025. For the second refer to: Devon Herald, 'Babylon', 8 October 1879, p. 3, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article173146720, accessed 23 May 2025 & Devon Herald, 'Two Lovely Girls', 19 November 1879, p. 3, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article173146893, accessed 23 May 2025.
(28) Scott Bennett, 'Edward Braddon', the Companion to Tasmanian History online, 2006, https://utas.edu.au/library/conpanion_to_tasmanian_history/B/Edward%20Braddon.htm, accessed 23 May 2025.
(29) Australian Star, 'Australasia and Anglo-Indians', 17 May 1893, p. 6, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article227185651, accessed 23 May 2025.
(30) Tasmanian, 'Australasia as a field for Anglo-Indian colonisation', 27 May 1873, p. 23, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article201155926, accessed 23 May 2025.
(31) Scott Bennett, 'Sir Nicholas Edward Coventry Braddon (1829-1904)', Australian Dictionary of Biography online, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/braddon_sir_edward_nicholas_coventr-5330, accessed 23 May 2025.
Figures and Illustrations
(i) Dip Chand, Portrait of East India Company Official, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Portrait_of_East_India_Company_official.jpg, accessed 22 May 2025.
(ii) English School (20th Century), The Origin of the East India Company, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_origin_of_the_East_India_Company_(colour_litho)_by_English_School.jpg, accessed 22 May 2025.
(iii) Thomas Rowlandson (1756-1827) and Augustus Charles Pugin (1762-1832) after John Buck (fl. 1791-1819), Joseph Constantine Stadler (fl. 1780-1812), Thomas Sutherland (1785-1838), J. Hill and Harraden (aquatint engravers), Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Microcosm_of_London_Plate_045_-_India_House,_the_Sale_Room_(tone).jpg, accessed 22 May 2025.
(iv) Unknown artist, Haileybury College, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Haileybury_college.jpg, accessed 22 May 2025.
(v) Yale Centre for British Art, CCO, A View of East India House, Leadenhall Street, London by Anonymous, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Anonymous_-_A_View_of_the_East-India_House,_Leadenhall_Street,_London_-_B1977.14.17469_-_Yale_Center_for_British_Art.jpg, accessed 22 May 2025.
(vi) James Prinsep, pencil sketch of Augustus Prinsep by his brother James Prinsep, 1816, Wikimedia Commons, https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/00/Augustus_Prinsep_by_James_Prinsep_1816.jpg, accessed 30 May 2025.
(vii) Augustus Prinsep, panoramic view of Hobarton, 1829/30, Wikimedia Commons, https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cb/Panoramic_view_of_Hobarton_%28S3446%29.png, accessed 30 May 2025.
(viii) Johan Joseph Zoffany RN, Patrick Healty (1783-9), JSTOR via Yales' Visual Resources of the Middle East Collection, https:/jstor.org./stable/community/.28498053, accessed 22 May 2025.
(ix) National Library of Australia, Edward Braddon 1899, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Edward_Braddon_1899.jpg, accessed 22 May 2025.
Bibliography
Primary Sources:
Australian (Sydney)
Australian Star (Sydney)
Daily Telegraph (Launceston)
Devon Herald (Latrobe)
Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen's Land Advertiser
Launceston Examiner (Launceston)
Mercury (Hobart)
Prinsep, A., The Journal of a voyage from Calcutta to Van Diemen's Land: comprising a description of that colony during a six month's residence, Tasmanian Facsimile Editions no. 3, Melanie Publications, Hobart, 1981. [Originally published by Smith, Elder and Co., Cornhill, London, 1833. Fergusson no. 1695]
Tasmanian (Launceston)
Weekly Examiner (Launceston)
Tasmanian Archives, Correspondence, Shaw Family, NS 159/1, 163/1/1
Secondary Sources:
Allbrook, Malcolm, Henry Prinsep's Empire: Framing a Distant Colony, Australian National University Press, Canberra, 2014.
Bowen, H. V., The Business of Empire: the East India Company and Imperial Britain, 1736-1833, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006.
Bowen, John, 'The East India Company's Education of its own servants', The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1955, 4(3):105—23.
Dalrymple, William, The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of the East India Company, Bloomsbury Publishing, Sydney, 2019.
Dirks, Nicholas P., The Scandal of Empire and the Creation of Imperial Britain, Belknap Press of Havard University Press, Cambridge & London, 2006.
Gardner, Brian, The East India Company: A History, Granada Publishing Limited, London, 1971.
Online Sources:
Bennett, S., 'Sir Nicholas Edward Coventry Braddon (1829-1904)', Australian Dictionary of Biography online, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/braddon_sir_edward_nicholas_coventr-5330, n.d., accessed 23 May 2025.
Bennett, S., 'Edward Braddon', the Companion to Tasmanian History online, https://utas.edu.au/library/conpanion_to_tasmanian_history/B/Edward%20Braddon.htm, 2006, accessed 23 May 2025.
Jstor, https://jstor.org
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Page, R., 'Edward Dumareaq (1802-1906)', Australian Dictionary of Biography online, n.d., https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/dumaresq-edward-2002.
Stilwell, G. T., 'Andrew Crawford (1815-1899)', Australian Dictionary of Biography online, n.d., https://adb.anu.eu.au/biography/crawford-andrew-3285/.
Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Main_Page.
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