On 11 November 1820, a letter was published in the Royal Cornwall Gazette detailing the experiences of a party of settlers who had migrated from Falmouth to the Cape Colony at the tip of South Africa. (1) It was written by William Mallett, a 45-year-old mason from Penryn, who along with his wife Elizabeth and 10 other families, had travelled aboard the ship Weymouth to Cape Town and finally to Port Elizabeth (now Gqeberha) with the intention of settling in a new land. The letter depicted the hopes, optimism and challenges experienced early on in a venture that ultimately failed. What was the historical context of Osler party to South Africa in 1820? Who were William and Elizabeth Mallett of Penryn and what was their fate? Why did the venture fail and was that typical of the wider scheme to Anglicise the Cape Colony?
This specific expedition was led by Benjamin Osler, a merchant from Falmouth, and took the form of a joint stock party with each member providing their own deposit. (2) But this was part of a larger migration program in post-Napoleonic Britain which saw approximately one million subsidised to emigrate to the colonies by 1840. There were 90, 000 applicants for the South African scheme but only 4, 000 were accepted along with another thousand who were self-funded. Settlers were granted 100 acres as part of a scheme that in regard to the Cape Colony as much about stablising and expanding interior settlement as it was about providing a solution to growing poverty and inequity at home that had been exacerbated by an extended period of conflict. (3) Perhaps William Mallett's personal enthusiasm to migrate is reflected in the fact that he wrote to the Secretary of State for the Colonies on 6 November 1819 having engaged to participate, enquiring about the particulars of the voyage specifically the date and point of departure (!). (4) It can be assumed that part of that anxiety related to the fact that he had already paid the nominal deposit of 10 pounds. The Malletts were probably representative of many of the self-funded migrants in that they were mostly skilled and possessed some small amount of capital. (5)
The acquisition of the Cape Colony by the British had been itself an inadvertent result of the Napoleonic wars. The Prince of Orange had ordered its surrender to the British in 1795 following the French invasion of the Netherlands. Dutch rule was reasserted from 1803 but in 1806 as part of a wider geopolitical strategy, the British retook the colony and were to rule it for another century. (6) The Netherlands formally transferred sovereignty in 1814. (7) The remaining Dutch elite were an asset to the British and combined with significant reforms, the economy had begun to grow. (8) While there are some accounts that the English looked down at the Dutch residents as being 'lazy', William Mallett was to comment in 1820 that the local Dutch farmers 'appear very civil people'. (9) The great source of anxiety by those attempting to Anglicise the territory was indigenous resistance and expansion on the Eastern frontier. (10)
I created the map, based partly on the source map: Eastern frontier of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope from Algoa Bay to the Great Kei River, which appears opposite page 620 of ‘The autobiography of Lieutenant-general Sir Harry Smith’ by G.C.B. Bart, Chapter xlviii, published 1903, as part of the online Build a Book initiative. JMK 11:03, 26 December 2007 (UTC), CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons (ii)
Overall, William Mallett's letter home reflects the early enthusiasm and optimistic hopes for the colony. The voyage appears to have been long, but relatively smooth. The ship made the Canary Islands on 24 January, anchoring at Palma. An encounter with a Spanish pirate brig was probably the first reminder of the dangers associated with migration in the period. While the brig stood across their bow, the Weymouth fired in response and brought her to, letting them go after an inspection. On 21 February they experienced their first squall which William described it as 'terrible', followed by another before they reached the equatorial line on 2 March. The heavy rain had thankfully replenished the ship's fresh water supply. They clearly enjoyed the journey as there are mentions of fishing, including catches of turtles, sharks and a 'fine dolphin'. After crossing the Tropic of Capricorn on 2 April, they finally spotted the Cape of Good Hope on 25 April. On 9 May the ship sailed from Table Bay for Algoa Bay, which is still 500 miles distant from Cape Town! They anchored there on 18 May, disembarked within two days and began a trek that took them 120 miles overland, involving five to six wagons. This was clearly a hard journey as he notes that as there were no lodgings available, all the party had to sleep either inside or under their wagons. Thankfully they arrived at Bathurst Town on 30 May. (11)
As hard as life must have been, William Mallett at least appears to have felt no regrets about undertaking the migration. By the time he came to write his letter on 3 July 1820, the couple resided in a little hut complimented by a tent. He related the news that they have been able to grow or acquire plenty of food as he mentions due to the 'healthiest climate in the world' that '...anything will grow any time of the year, and we can get two or three crops a year.' Regardless, they were receiving subsidised rations from the government which included a pound and a half of mutton, a pound of bread and a 'noggin' of brandy per day for 6d. They were able to purchase tea for 3s a pound, rice, sugar, soap, candles and more (presumably from Bathurst). They had also started to accumulate livestock in the form of five sheep. Significantly he notes that they possessed 'no desire to leave it again to return to England'. But this was still the wild frontier, and he indicates the aided a party of several men including a preacher who had been lost in the wilderness. The preacher returned to the party the following Sunday and they were able to form a 'class of eleven' which he suggested was the first Methodist church formed by the settlers in the new country. Even so, by July there appear to be hints that a shift to nearby Bathurst was on the cards. Mallett wrote: '...I do expect to remove into Bathurst soon to live, the officers tell me I shall be wanted in soon; our wages is about 2s. per day, it is a most delightful spot, and we shall have land enough there.' This alludes to a realisation that the 100-acre allotments at Pendennis were inadequate for their needs. (12)
In fact, in July 1820, William Mallett remained so optimistic of the opportunities offered by the colony that he appears to have been encouraging relatives to join him. In the letter he declares: 'Send me Jonathan, and it will be better than a fortune for him; let him go to London and he will get a passage in an East Indiaman cheap, and if he comes to Cape Town, or Simon's Town, he can get a passage to Algoa bay, and there he can come up with the waggons...' This is likely a clue as to William's identity. A Jonathan Mallett was born at Penryn around 1799 to a John Mallett and his wife Prudence (formerly Tresidder). Our William was likely John's brother making Jonanthan his nephew. Jonathan didn't migrate himself but remained in Penryn and married Mary Fittock in 1828; at least three of their sons (Jonathan junior, William and Jaspar) as well as a grandson (Alfred) also became masons. A William Mallett who had been born at Penryn around 1779 married a Margaret Piper and together they had at least two children (Elisabeth born around 1800 and Jenefer born around 1803). We can't be certain this is the same person as our letter writer as his occupation is not listed on either baptism record, but a witness to the wedding was indeed a John Mallett. It is possible then that by 1819, William might have already been widowed and remarried before making the decision to emigrate. William and Elizabeth Mallett were not accompanied by any children to the Cape Colony and as they were both aged in their mid-forties by that time, a lack of fecundity may have even been an advantage when venturing into the unknown. (13)
The 'new town' established by the Osler party, about 12 miles South of Bathurst, was named Pendennis in honour of the old country. Yet within a couple of years Osler and most of his family had relocated back to Cornwall. He was succeeded by another member of the party, a shoemaker named John Dale, but the party gradually dissipated. Philip Payton has argued that this was most likely due to a lack of agricultural skill among the party members, in addition to a lack of adequate finance. Some members gravitated to nearby Grahamstown, while the Malletts themselves relocated to Uitenhage near Port Elizabeth. (14) Robert Ross has observed that hardship made most settlers understand that it was a direct connection with the government that provided opportunity. (15) Aran S. McKinnon has further suggested that many other circumstantial factors played a role in the failure, including persistent drought, crop disease, floods and indigenous resistance. (16)
Indeed, in March 1823 a statement was sent to the Secretary of State for the Colonies and signed by approximately 170 British settlers. The general sentiment was that the colonial government did not understand what support was needed in such a foreign environment. There were two central criticisms expressed concerning the scheme. Firstly the 100-acre grant was seen as inadequate, and it is indicated that about 4000 acres was required for a settler to achieve subsistence level. Secondly the settlers were hampered by the systematic withholding of two thirds of the deposit which they claimed it had been stipulated they were to be repaid on relocation. The removal of the magistracy, troops and government support from the settlement of Bathurst appears to have compounded those problems as well as providing encouragement for indigenous resistance—which all served to further distract them from their role as farmers. The lack of access to a wider market due as much to administrative policy as geographic isolation, also hampered their progress. It's understandable then that many settlers were drawn back to 'more profitable pursuits' in the more distant population centres. (17) Among the signatories was a 'J. Weeks' who is likely the James Weeks, baker and confectioner, who had been a member of the Osler Party who by that time relocated to Grahamstown and eventually died there in 1835. (18)
The Osler party of 1820 was part of wider scheme of migration aimed at stabilising and developing the newly acquired Cape of Good Hope Colony. The experiences detailed in the letter written by William Mallett, a member of the Osler party, give a firsthand insight into the challenges involved in the process of migration. He belonged to a skilled, working-class family that was perhaps suffering or at least hampered, during a period of economic uncertainty and social unrest. His enduring optimism may have been as much an indication of the levels of frustration with his limited prospects for improvement at home in post-Napoleonic England then it was of the true degree of promise found in the new country. His ultimate fate, along with that of his wife, is unclear although he seemed determined to remain in the colony apparently relocating to Uitenhage with the dissolution of the Osler Party. While the subsidised migration scheme was genuine in its methods, it was poorly executed. The migrants were arguably unprepared, allocated inadequate allotments and given insufficient support. The challenges faced by the members of the Osler party then were probably typical of those involved in the scheme. By 1823 there was evident widespread dissatisfaction among the British settlers in the colony with the colony's administration. A settler statement to the Secretary of State for the Colonies prepared that year was signed by a former member of the Osler party. These barriers to prosperity resulted in many abandoning their grants and seeking opportunities in the population centres or in the case of the party leader himself, Benjamin Osler, returning home to England.
- Dr. Colin Woollcott Mallett, 4 June 2025.
ENDNOTES
(1) 'New African Settlements', Royal Cornwall Gazette, 11 Nov 1820. I think it likely that the letter home was based on a diary - perhaps either kept by William or Elizabeth - as the surviving extract relates events, dates and places with a high level of detail.
(2) M. D. Nash, The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers, Cameleon Press, Johannesburg, 1987, p. 97.
(3) Aran S. Mackinnon, The Making of South Africa: culture and politics, Pearson/Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River NJ, 2004, p. 54.
(4) National Archives, Kew CO48/41-46, as reproduced here: Sue Mackay, 'William Mallett, 1820 Settler', 1820 Correspondence, eGGSA Library website, 4 April 2015, MALLETT, William, 1820 Settler - 1820 Settlers South Africa - Correspondence , accessed 3 April 2025.
(5) National Archives, Kew CO48/47, as reproduced here: Sue Mackay, 'Settler Returns', 1820 Correspondence, eGGSA Library website, 8 April 2015, OSLER's Party - 1820 Settlers South Africa - Correspondence , accessed 3 April 2025. In fact, the total deposit money collected for the voyage prior to departure amounted to 137 Pounds 10 Shillings and the fee appears to have related to the numbers and ages of the members of each family. The entire party of 43 people consisted of 11 men, 8 women, 1 child over and 23 children under 14 years.
(6) Robert Ross, Status and Responsibility in the Cape Colony 1750-1870: a tragedy of manners, Cambridge University Press, Cambridgem 1999, pp. 40-3.
(7) Hywel Williams, Cassell's Chronology of World History, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 2005, p. 364. The deal involved a payment of 20 million pounds to the Netherlands to acquire the colony.
(8) Ross, Status and Responsibility in the Cape Colony 1750-1870, p. 46 & MacKinnon, The Making of South Africa, p. 49. Important measures according to MacKinnon were the shift away from the loan-farm system to full private owndership of farms and the widescale importation of merino sheep that facilitated improved wool exports.
(9) Ross, Status and Responsibility in the Cape Colony 1750-1870, p. 42 & 'New African Settlements'
(10) McKinnon, The Making of South Africa, p. 54.
(11) 'New African Settlements'
(12) 'New African Settlements'
(13) Mallett, Colin Woollcott, Mallett Research Folder 1, Unpublished research project, F001 MALLETT Folder (1) , accessed 2 April 2025. Specifically refer to sections PenrynMallettsM, QQQ & UU. This study on the Malletts of Penryn has been based largely on data accessible on the Cornwall OPC (Online Parish Clerks) database: Gill Hart & Bill O'Reilly, Cornwall OPC database, https://www.cornwall-opc-database.org/search-database/, accessed 2 April 2025. Interestingly, several of my Mallett relatives - close and distant - share small autosomal DNA matches with various descendants of John and Prudence Mallett of Penryn.
(14) Philip Payton, The Cornish Overseas: A History of Cornwall's Great Emigration, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 2020, p. 64.
(15) Ross, Status and Responsibility in the Cape Colony 1750-1870, p. 61.
(16) McKinnon, The Making of South Africa, p. 55.
(17) National Archives, Kew CO48/61, p. 401 as reproduced here: Sue Mackay, 'Settler Statement, 1823', 1820 Correspondence, eGGSA Library website, 5 January 2011, https://www.eggsa.org/1820-settlers/index.php/correspondence/letters-after-1820/s-writers-surnamed-s/1738-settler-statement-1823 , accessed 2 April 2025. One of the signatories was Major George Pigot, the son of Lord Pigot of Patshull who during his lifetime had served as Governor of Madras.
(18) Paul Tanner-Tremaine, 'James Weeks', British 1820 Settlers to South Africa website, https://www.1820settlers.com/genealogy/getperson.php?personID=I36325&tree=master , accessed 2 April 2025.
FIGURES & ILLUSTRATIONS
(i) T. Baines (Artist) & W. Simpson (Engraver), 'The Elizabeth at Port Elizabeth, Algoa Bay, Uitenhage Division, Rudolph Ackerman Publishing, 1852, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Amazon_at_Port_Elizabeth,_Algoa_Bay,_Division_of_Uitenhage_RMG_PY0565.tiff , accessed 2 April 2025.
(ii) Unknown creator, 'Map of the Eastern Frontier, Cape of Good Hope, c. 1835', (based on 'Eastern Frontier of the Colony from Algoa Bay to the Great Kei River' in G. C. B. Bart, The Autobiography of Lieutenant General Sir Harry Smith, Chapter xlviii, 1903) https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f9/Eastern_Frontier%2C_Cape_of_Good_Hope%2C_ca_1835.png , accessed 2 April 2025.
(iii) Frederick Timpson, '1820 Settlers camped near the Great Fish River', Date Unknown, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Frederick_Timpson_I%27Ons04.JPG , accessed 2 April 2025.
(iv) Colin Woollcott Mallett, 'Map of Osler's Party Land Allocation (Pendennis), 1820,' prepared on Google Maps application, https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/edit?mid=1wjqDxqjI9ERWy5kfpo636BLQm-Q9Iu4&usp=sharing (based on Paul Tanner-Tremaine, 'Settler Farm Outline: Pendennis', British 1820 Settlers to South Africa website, https://www.1820settlers.com/genealogy/maps/settlermap_pendennis.php), both accessed 2 April 2025.
(v) Unknown creator, '1820 Settlers National Monument', Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1820_Settlers_National_Monument.jpg , accessed 2 April 2022.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources:
National Archives, Kew CO48/41-47, CO48/61
Royal Cornwall Gazette
Secondary Sources:
MacKinnon, A. S., The Making of South Africa: culture and politics, Pearson/Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River NJ, 2004.
Nash, M. D., The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers, Cameleon Press,Virginia, 1987.
Payton, P., The Cornish Overseas: A History of Cornwall's Great Emigration, (Revised and Updated Edition), University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 2020.
Ross, R., Status and Responsibility in the Cape Colony 1750-1870: a tragedy of manners, Cambridge University Press, Cambridgem 1999.
Williams, H., Cassell's Chronology of World History, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 2005.
Online Sources:
Hart G. & O'Reilly, B., Cornwall OPC Database, https://www.cornwall-opc-database.org/search-database/, accessed 2 April 2025.
Mackay, S., 'Settler Returns', 1820 Correspondence, eGGSA Library website, 8 April 2015, OSLER's Party - 1820 Settlers South Africa - Correspondence , accessed 3 April 2025.
Mackay, S., 'Settler Statement, 1823', 1820 Correspondence, eGGSA Library website, 5 January 2011, https://www.eggsa.org/1820-settlers/index.php/correspondence/letters-after-1820/s-writers-surnamed-s/1738-settler-statement-1823 , accessed 2 April 2025.
Mackay, S., 'William Mallett, 1820 Settler', 1820 Correspondence, eGGSA Library website, 4 April 2015, MALLETT, William, 1820 Settler - 1820 Settlers South Africa - Correspondence , accessed 3 April 2025.
Mallett, Colin Woollcott, Mallett Research Folder 1, Unpublished research project, F001 MALLETT Folder (1) , accessed 2 April 2025.
Tanner-Tremaine, P, 'James Weeks', British 1820 Settlers to South Africa website, https://www.1820settlers.com/genealogy/getperson.php?personID=I36325&tree=master , accessed 2 April 2025.
Tanner-Tremaine, P. 'Settler Farm Outline: Pendennis'. British 1820 Settlers to South Africa website, https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/edit?mid=1wjqDxqjI9ERWy5kfpo636BLQm-Q9Iu4&usp=sharing , accessed 2 April 2025.
Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Main_Page, accessed 2 April 2025.